Vladimir Putin’s meeting with heads of the world’s leading news agencies took place in the Constantine Palace

http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/79953

Director General of TASS News Agency, moderator of the meeting Andrei Kondrashov: Mr President, guests,

Allow me to begin by expressing my deepest gratitude for upholding the steadfast tradition whereby the leaders of the world’s news agencies gather here, in the Northern capital, during the St Petersburg International Economic Forum, for an open dialogue with you. TASS has the honour of inviting our colleagues to this meeting.

I would note that some of our guests have forewarned us that they have come prepared with some rather incisive questions. In turn, we have cautioned them that you too may have a few questions for certain journalists from various countries.

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: No, I will not be asking questions. I am not a journalist. It is you who will be asking questions; I will be providing the answers.

Andrei Kondrashov: In any event, let us strive to make our meeting today open, candid, and dynamic. The purpose of such gatherings is, as in previous years, that the discussions here will be rapidly disseminated in hundreds of news flashes across the globe for those present here today and the agencies they represent are responsible for generating more than three-quarters of the global information flow.

Therefore, today, we will not follow any alphabetical order, but we will maintain one tradition. Let us begin our discussion with a representative of the fairer half of journalism – Ms Raushan Kazhibayeva, Director General of the Television and Radio Complex of the President of Kazakhstan.

Please, Ms Kazhibayeva, you have the floor for the first question.

Director of the Television and Radio Complex of the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan Raushan Kazhibayeva: Thank you very much.

Mr President, I have two questions for you.

Your recent state visit to Kazakhstan was a great success and undoubtedly one of the most significant events on our bilateral agenda this year.

During the visit, you and our President, Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, adopted a joint document on the seven foundations of friendship and good-neighbourly relations between the peoples of Kazakhstan and Russia. My first question: what, in your view, is the significance of this document?

My second question relates to one of the most talked-about moments of the visit – the Amur tigers that Russia gifted to Kazakhstan. President Tokayev called this gift the highlight of the visit. Could you tell us whether this is not just an environmental project, but rather a symbol – a vivid symbol of trust between our countries? Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: Our relations with Kazakhstan are advancing steadily; they are on the rise. That said, I should point out straight away that our Kazakhstani friends and partners are not easy partners. We always have very heated debates on almost every issue – whether it is financial relations, industrial cooperation, investment conditions, or major joint projects. But on both sides, there is a desire to find a compromise that doesn’t just satisfy both parties but also helps us achieve shared goals. And our shared goal is clear: development and prosperity for the citizens of Kazakhstan and Russia.

We fully understand – we know that we are bound by centuries of shared history, no exaggeration here, and we have certain advantages inherited from the time we were part of a single state. What are those advantages? Cooperation, and particularly unified transport links. You asked your question in Russian, and I am grateful for that. That too is an important factor – one that, to some extent, and in many cases, takes on a purely economic dimension. Everything is clear: we understand each other, and we speak the same language.

There is also enormous interest in continuing the benefits of education – both the evolving education system in Kazakhstan and the developments and new trends emerging in the Russian Federation. As you may recall, the President of Kazakhstan and I attended the launch of the Sirius system, which has proven successful in developing effective methods for identifying and supporting gifted children. Of course, Kazakhstan has many gifted children – they just need to be found – and this area of our cooperation will focus on this.

Energy, as you know, industrial production, space, as well as our latest major project – the construction of a nuclear power plant in Kazakhstan. I want to note that Kazakhstan is a country with abundant resources that are in high demand by the rest of the world. These resources include fuel for power plants and NPPs. We cooperate successfully with Kazakhstan in this area. I am confident that, by relying on its own resource base and developing our joint potential, Kazakhstan will achieve great success and tackle many tasks in energy, diversifying its energy resources. I believe Kazakhstan will obtain up to 20 percent of its electrical energy from the nuclear power plant.

We produce uranium together, as I said, and will continue this production. But the most important thing is not the fact that NPP units will be built in Kazakhstan. Most importantly, a new industry will emerge. This new industry will provide for professional training, research and production activities. We will work on this together. It is an extremely important sector for both us and Kazakhstan.

We will continue our cooperation in space, machine engineering, and many other industries.

I have already talked about humanitarian links. Education plays an enormous role. A great number of Kazakhstani are enrolled to study in Russian universities, and we are very grateful to the President of Kazakhstan for launching an international body to support the Russian language. I believe it is a forward-looking initiative that will help preserve our relations and promote their development across all fields, including humanitarian cooperation.

So, as concerns tigers, it is quite a natural thing. We are simply focused on the restoration of nature, the environment, flora and fauna. We also receive help – for example, Tajikistan has transferred snow leopards to us, for which we are immensely grateful to our Tajikistani friends. We have done a great deal to preserve the population of Amur tigers. By the way, they are the largest tigers in the world, second to none. Amur tigers are the largest. There were similar tigers in Kazakhstan in the past. If we can help our friends in Kazakhstan in any way, we will certainly do so.

I have seen this picture, and it is impressive. By the way, we held an event called a tiger summit here. So many countries are concerned about preserving the population of these beautiful animals. I think our cooperation on this and other environmental projects is very important.

This has to do with a very pragmatic matter of trans-border river resource utilisation. There is much to discuss in this area. Our work here is quite extensive. I am certain all the goals will be achieved.

Thank you.

Andrei Kondrashov: Mr President, to your left is Mr Fu Hua, representing the Xinhua News Agency from China.

Just two weeks ago, if you recall, he helped organise an exhibition for you and President of China Xi Jinping, together with the TASS news agency. And now, two weeks later, he is here with us to ask his question. Please, go ahead, Comrade Fu Hua.

President of Xinhua News Agency (PRC) Fu Hua (retranslated): Mr President,

It was a real pleasure to have you visit us in China. A remarkable visit – and a highly successful one. This year, we held a very important exhibition marking the anniversary of our news agencies. Thank you for your special attention to it. May I take this opportunity to ask you a couple of questions?

In May, you made your 25th visit to China, where you discussed major issues concerning our international relations with President Xi Jinping. We have counted: over the past 14 years, you have met more than 50 times. This is truly an extraordinary, unprecedented achievement. Our relationship is good-neighbourly, friendly, and truly at its peak. I believe this visit left a real mark. This close engagement at such a senior level – how did we achieve it? How did we reach this unprecedented level? That is my first question.

My second question: We have jointly issued a new, comprehensive joint statement. We, of course, remain committed to the UN Charter, upholding its principles and purposes in full, and we defend the international order. We were the victors in World War II. What should we do to protect historical truth? How do we pass it on to future generations, without allowing anyone to distort or destroy it? Those are my two questions. Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: First of all, I would like to thank you for the warm welcome during my visit to Beijing, and for the exhibition you organised together with your colleague, Mr Kondrashov. It was a fascinating and substantive exhibition. Thank you very much.

As for the results of our cooperation, here is what I would say. In recent years, especially since the events still unfolding in Ukraine, people have increasingly said: “Russia has pivoted towards Asia. It has changed its policy.”

But Russia has not changed anything, and it has not made any pivot. The agreement that underpins our cooperation – and is the foundation for our current results, which are impressive (according to various figures, our mutual trade is somewhere around $250 billion, and diversification is progressing strongly) – that agreement was signed back in 2001.

We are natural allies and partners. Indeed, we are neighbours, sharing an extensive common border. One cannot choose one’s neighbours – that is a fact of life. Such is the course of history. Over the centuries, throughout our interactions, a particular system of principles governing our relations has emerged. Not yesterday, not today, and not five years ago – but over centuries, these principles have taken shape. China is progressing rapidly and dynamically, assuming an increasingly significant role in the global economy, world politics, and international affairs as a whole. Naturally, we have been observing this closely – and not merely observing; we have been engaging in close collaboration and cooperation. Twenty five years ago, we signed the foundational Treaty, which established favourable preconditions and a robust foundation for the development of bilateral cooperation in all areas. Such is the result.

In recent years, as both the Chinese and Russian economies have expanded and diversified, new opportunities have emerged for us – encompassing a vast array of fields. I will refrain from enumerating everything I deem significant and important. The most crucial aspect is that in recent years, we have increasingly focused on matters relating to the new economy, which is rooted in artificial intelligence, information technology, advancements in biology, genetics, and so forth.

We have always cooperated – not just in the last five years, but consistently – in the military sphere, and our interaction continues unabated. There is nothing new in this regard; it is simply a tradition of our relations, both military and military-technical cooperation. We are jointly considering certain developments in this domain. I reiterate, this is not connected to current events that are capturing global attention, including those in Ukraine or even in the Middle East. We simply cooperate and maintain friendship with China – not directed against anyone, as I have stated, but rather in each other’s interests. That is all.

Here, particularly in the pursuit of advancements in the realms of artificial intelligence and high technology, lies the future of our collaboration. This is a subject we invariably discuss during our meetings with President Xi Jinping. Incidentally, we have truly trust-based relations. He addresses me as “my old friend,” and I reciprocate. This is neither an exaggeration nor a figure of speech. We have cultivated a relationship of trust.

Naturally, we are guided first and foremost by the national interests of our countries, yet these interests often align, and personal relationships provide a solid foundation for reaching ever-new horizons. That is why I believe we have established favourable preconditions for enhancing our interaction with China. I am confident that all the tasks we have set during my visit will be accomplished, and all the objectives will be achieved.

President Xi Jinping and I have outlined our schedule of bilateral contacts for this year – and this applies not only to us: the governments, ministries, and agencies, along with our leading companies, are meeting and collaborating, including in the energy sector, where, I am sure, we will soon delight the global energy market with new agreements between Russia and China.

Andrei Kondrashov: Colleagues, who would like to speak next?

Vijay Joshi, CEO and Editor-in-Chief of the Press Trust of India.

CEO and Editor-in-Chief at The Press Trust of India (India) Vijay Joshi: Mr President, first of all, thank you for this opportunity and for your hospitality.

Mr President, as you are preparing to travel to India for the BRICS summit in September and the global community is watching the evolving dynamics between Moscow and New Delhi very closely. While this special and privileged strategic partnership remains the cornerstone for both nations, some observers say that India’s alignment with Washington creates structural frictions with Russia.

From your perspective, how will you seek to inject fresh momentum into the bilateral relationship? What steps can be taken to ensure that Russia-India ties remain resilient against external geopolitical pressures? And how would you describe Russia-India relations in this redrawn geopolitical landscape in your words? Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: You have described these relations yourself, and you characterised them accurately. As you noted, this is a special and privileged strategic partnership. Such a relationship was not built overnight, or over the course of a few years. It is the result of decades of cooperation. The Soviet Union established diplomatic relations with India in 1947 and consistently supported the development of the young state. We are happy to see that, thanks to the tireless work, talent, and determination of the Indian people, India has achieved remarkable success and made tremendous progress in its development.

Everyone present here knows that India is currently demonstrating the highest economic growth rates among the world’s major economies. This doesn’t fall out of the sky; it is the result of consistent and purposeful efforts, above all by the government led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The country’s strong economic performance reflects the successful implementation of the policies and development strategies pursued under his leadership.

We still have a lot of work to do together, but we are confident that bilateral trade will reach $100 billion in the coming years. At present, trade turnover stands at approximately $58 – $60 billion. However, all the necessary conditions are in place to intensify our joint efforts and achieve even more ambitious goals.

Our cooperation extends far beyond the energy sector, including nuclear power. The Kudankulam Nuclear Power Plant is already operating and continues to expand, and we expect decisions on additional sites in the future. We will also continue to deepen cooperation in the hydrocarbon sector. Russia remains one of the largest foreign investors in the Indian economy, and we intend to further strengthen investment cooperation on a reciprocal basis.

Everybody knows that we also maintain close cooperation in the pharmaceutical industry, where Russian companies are ready to offer a wide range of products and solutions. I will not go into details, but we have outlined a number of highly promising, long-term initiatives that are of mutual interest to both India and Russia.

However, I find your question somewhat surprising. You suggested that India’s cooperation with the United States is creating difficulties in its relations with Russia. We do not see it that way at all. Where did you get that from? We are glad that India is developing relations with all countries. India is a major global power with a population of 1.5 billion people, a rapidly growing economy, and one of the world’s largest democracies. It is entirely natural for India to develop relations with a wide range of countries in accordance with its national interests.

It is another thing that the United States is trying to pressure India on certain issues, particularly on certain issues of cooperation with Russia. But I think everyone has long since realised that pressuring Prime Minister Modi, who leads a country with a population of 1.5 billion, is futile. Moreover, it harms international relations and bilateral relations, no matter from which side this pressure comes.

We do not see any negative consequences arising from the current situation. We believe that mutually acceptable solutions can be found with all parties involved. To date, we have not observed any serious adverse effects. Russia and India continue to strengthen their partnership, and we regard India as a reliable partner.

Andrei Kondrashov: And here’s the United States. James Jordan is one of those who came from The Associated Press to ask tough questions. Please.

Vladimir Putin: Go ahead, play hard ball.

News Director for Europe & Africa at the Associated Press James Jordan: Thank you, Mr Kondrashov, for the organisation of this gathering. It is always fascinating to hear President Putin’s views on many global matters. I have been here for three years now and it is always an interesting experience, so thank you.

President Putin, yesterday hundreds of drones were launched into Russia from Ukraine. Some struck a naval base nearby, some struck an oil depot nearby, causing a plume of smoke over St Petersburg, your home city. Flights were also disrupted into the airport here. More broadly, the Russian economy has dipped recently; your personal approval ratings have also dipped; and the US says the invasion has become a strategic disaster – those are the words of Marco Rubio. He also added that Russia won’t achieve its war aims by military means alone. Given this, is it still logical to pursue your war aim of controlling the hold of the Donbass region or are you ready to make a deal? Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: First of all, one does not exclude the other. Controlling the entire Donbass region and making a deal are not mutually exclusive.

Why do you think they are in conflict? You mentioned Mr Rubio’s statement. He is a serious partner; we are in contact with him. He recently spoke in the Senate or Congress. It is clear that the domestic political situation in the United States is complex – some support him, some attack him. What the Secretary of State says on a specific issue inside his home country is certainly of interest to us, but ultimately, we are more interested in the real situation. And if you are talking about the conflict in Ukraine right now, we are interested in the actual situation on the ground.

What does that situation look like? It is as follows. First of all, and this needs to be emphasised, Russian troops are advancing along the entire line of contact. There is not a single place where Russian troops are not advancing. The biggest problem facing the Ukrainian Armed Forces today is a disastrous shortage of personnel.

Recently, the Ukrainian Armed Forces have been reduced by 100,000 personnel. Monthly losses are around 40,000. As a result of forced mobilisation – people, as you know, are being snatched off the streets, like stray dogs, and forced into the army. I will tell you about the consequences now. Monthly losses are approximately 40,000. Forced mobilisation brings in around 15,000–16,000 per month, and about 14,000 return from hospitals after being wounded. So each month, there is a net loss of roughly 10,000 personnel. On top of that, around 20,000 desert each month. At the start of this year, the number of deserters was around 60,000. People are being forcibly taken – there is no motivation, no one wants to fight.

The almost official figure is that 200,000 criminal cases have been opened for desertions. That is one of the problems, but the most significant one. It leads to the loss of territory and towns. Just recently – I will not give the exact number of communities now, in case I am mistaken – the Russian army has brought approximately 2,440 square kilometres under its control. The offensive, as I said, is ongoing daily.

Since you mentioned Donbass, the Russian army is currently in full control of the Lugansk People’s Republic – 100 percent. Over 85 percent of the territory of the Donetsk People’s Republic is under our control. Only recently, Ukraine controlled some 25 percent of the territory, and now it’s down to less than 15 percent. We also control 80 percent of the Zaporozhye Region. This process continues on a daily basis.

True, Western sponsors supply a great number of drones for Ukraine – different categories, including long-range UAVs. Unfortunately, some of them do break through. But Russia has its own air defence system. We must sure refine it. Yes, we must reinforce it, and we will by all means do it. Ukraine has no such system whatsoever. They have some of its elements but no system. They have Patriots and other types of weapons but the shortage is catastrophic. But the system as such does not exist. Similarly, Ukraine has no strike systems like those the Russian Federation has. By that I mean hypersonic missiles, cruise missiles – sea-, air- and ground-launched. We also have something vital – the Russian people’s patriotism and strong will that guarantee that we will achieve all the goals and objectives of the special military operation.

While listing essential issues, I should mention one more circumstance. We have our own production, resource, research and workforce base to address all the objectives concerning the provisions of the Russian Armed Forces. This base is gaining strength with every passing month and, certainly, serves as the foundation for all the achievements and advances that I have just mentioned.

To summarise, I would like to add the following: Without doubt, we are ready and willing to reach an agreement with Ukraine by peaceful means – and based on what we have discussed at the meeting with President Trump in Anchorage. At that meeting, certain questions were put before Russia so that we could agree on certain compromises. Russia agrees to the compromises discussed in Anchorage. It is necessary that Ukraine also agrees to make them. Then, the conflict will be resolved naturally and quickly.

Andrei Kondrashov: Have you received answers to all your questions, Mr Jordan? Should time permit, you may pose additional queries, but for the moment, allow me, Mr President, to put my question to you.

The retaliatory strikes we are carrying out today in response to the incessant terrorist assaults from Ukraine – targeting infrastructure used by the Armed Forces of Ukraine (AFU) and military-industrial complex facilities – are, before our very eyes, taking on a systemic character. Indeed, one of our recent retaliatory strikes raises the question – was the Oreshnik used in that instance? Furthermore, what, broadly speaking, does the use of such weaponry afford us?

Vladimir Putin: As for our new systems, they are being developed – this includes the Oreshnik. However, they differ somewhat from what we used to do prior to the conflict in Ukraine.

What do I mean by this? You see, we tested such systems at proving grounds, but the Oreshnik was not tested in this way, and this did not constitute a combat use. Across the territory of Ukraine, there has essentially been no full combat use of the Oreshnik, and as for the latest instance – it is not quite that … To be perfectly candid, I will share a major state military secret with you: we simply struck locations where it was possible to observe the results. This applies to Belaya Tserkov and, even more so, to the DPR area within the main fortified zone. Afterwards, our drones flew into the structure we hit, and we meticulously observed how the separating warheads were dispersed, calculating everything to the millimetre. This is crucial for us to make future decisions on the full-scale employment of the Oreshnik against designated targets, including urban areas.

Andrei Kondrashov: Thank you.

Colleagues, who is next?

Martin Romanczyk, Deutsche Presse-Agentur (DPA), Germany.

But, you know, I would first like to put a question to Martin myself, if I may. You represent Germany’s largest and leading news agency. As a journalist, do you get the impression that your country is preparing for war? Is this really the case, or does it merely appear so to us? And is it truly gearing up to engage in conflict with Russia?

Vladimir Putin: I object. There is no need for you to respond. You are not here to be interrogated – you are here as an investigator; interrogate others.

Andrei Kondrashov: Then we will speak separately after this meeting.

Please, go ahead.

Head of the News Service of the Deutsche Presse-Agentur (DPA) (Germany) Martin Romanczyk (retranslated): I would like to respond to your question. No, I do not think so.

Mr President, thank you very much for the invitation.

I would also like to address the topic of Ukraine and return to a question that has already been asked here. You spoke about peace. Germany and many European countries wish to take part in these peace negotiations currently being mediated by the United States, despite the conflict in Iran. What role can Germany play, and what role can the Federal Chancellor assume? And, if I may, I would like to add to this question. You mentioned Gerhard Schröder as a negotiator on behalf of the Europeans. Apart from Gerhard Schröder, whom else can you envisage in this role – who could undertake these mediation functions on behalf of Germany? Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: You raised two points that I would like to pay attention to. First, you said that Europe would like to participate in the negotiations. Right? Second, you asked who, apart from Mr Schroeder, could serve as a mediator. One thing is to participate in the negotiations, and another thing is to be a mediator. How can the European Union or separate countries of the European Union be a mediator if they directly abet the efforts of the country which we have an armed conflict with? What kind of mediators can they be? If you want to be a mediator, you have to be neutral.That is my first point.

And secondly, I was surprised by the reaction to my mention of Mr Schroeder as a possible mediator. An immediate outcry followed: “No, Schroeder cannot be involved because he is Putin’s friend.” He is not Putin’s friend. He is a German statesman, and one of the best, in my view, because he has his own position and the courage to defend it. Unfortunately, there are not many politicians in Europe today who possess those qualities.

Europe is currently facing significant energy challenges. However, it was Gerhard Schroeder who championed infrastructure projects such as Nord Stream, designed to provide the German economy with reliable and affordable energy supplies from Russia. Moreover, these projects were not only about securing deliveries; they also created a framework of mutual commitments and obligations between the parties involved. What matters is not that we have a good relationship with him. What matters is that, while pursuing his country’s national interests, he has demonstrated that he is a person whose word can be trusted. That is the essence of the matter. Any individual seeking to act as a mediator must be trusted by both sides. Frankly, I find it difficult to understand how Russia could trust people who, for years, have been saying about the need to inflict a strategic defeat on Russia.

That is precisely the issue, Martin, das ist das Problem. Nevertheless, we are not refusing to talk. We have never refused contacts with representatives of the European Union in any format. As for the EU acting as a mediator in negotiations with Ukraine, there are obvious difficulties, as I have already mentioned, and I think that is difficult to dispute. But we are not rejecting contacts. If they want to talk, they know how to reach us. They can pick up the phone and call. If they want to come, they are welcome to do so. It is not Russia that is refusing engagement. I was also surprised to hear claims that the evil Russia had stopped supplying energy to Europe. We did not stop. Europe chose to stop buying, hoping that this would cause our economy to collapse. Well, they have seen that nothing has collapsed, that it’s time to stop, to realize that it was a wrong approach and perhaps make some adjustments. But instead we continue to hear the same rhetoric. They have made so many public statements and political commitments that it is difficult to change their position now.

I’m not going to comment. I just want to say that we never rejected a dialogue. I want to reaffirm it. If anybody considers it reasonable to resume dialogue with Russia – go ahead. Who will be the negotiator from Europe? I don’t know. We are not imposing anything. I’ve heard this hubbub about Russia wanting to impose something, suggest some negotiators. We are not imposing anything or anyone. Naturally, we want to know who this could be. Let me repeat: It must be some people we could trust. It is just a working matter that could be discussed quietly and calmly, say, at the level of foreign ministers or intelligence services. The contacts between our intelligence agencies continue, by the way.

Martin Romanczyk (retranslated): Mr President, you spoke about Nord Stream. Members of the Alternative for Germany party are present at this economic forum. They are supporting the resumption of Russia’s gas supplies via Nord Stream. What do you think of this party? We are holding regional and federal elections soon. What are your expectations of this party? What is your general attitude towards the Alternative for Germany party?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: I believe it would be improper for me to give assessments of the political forces of the Federal Republic. We know – and I know – that, if this corresponds to reality, or as far as I was informed, Alternative for Germany is currently ranked at the top among the political parties of the Federal Republic. It is ahead of CDU/CSU – in fact, quite significantly. It is also ahead of the Social Democratic Party of Germany by miles.

I don’t want to comment, but I will say one thing. In my opinion, it is happening because this party’s leaders can formulate the interests of the German people and the German economy clearly and precisely. They are not afraid to declare them and they are willing to fight for them. Hence their rating and results.

I don’t know and I don’t want to speculate about further developments on the political stage of the Federal Republic. As for opinions, we welcome any German political forces that are willing to restore and develop relations with Russia, be it Alternative for Germany or any other party. We will work with everybody who wants to work with us.

Andrei Kondrashov: If there is a country that definitely wants to work with us, it is Belarus.

I would like to give the floor to BelTA, the Belarusian news agency. Andrei Mokhor, go ahead, please.

Director General of the Belarusian Telegraph Agency (BetTA) Andrei Mokhor: Good evening, Mr President.

First, thank you for the opportunity to have this genuinely open discussion on topics that have been a matter of concern far beyond the circle of people sitting around this table. It has already been said on multiple occasions that the relations between Belarus and Russia can be regarded as a benchmark of sorts in terms of interstate relations and striking a balance between integration and the unconditional commitment to preserving sovereignty. Even the EAEU has yet to achieve this level of interaction.

I would like to ask your opinion about ways of overcoming the emerging crisis of trust between long-standing partners, our partners, whose actions sometimes de facto amount to severing ties.

Vladimir Putin: A crisis of trust with our partners?

Andrei Mokhor: Yes. A crisis of trust with our partners within the post-Soviet space. In particular, I am referring to the developments concerning Armenia.

Vladimir Putin: You know, there is nothing extraordinary about this. The political forces behind the current Prime Minister have been talking about this for quite some time now. They have no qualms and are open about it.

In fact, there is nothing wrong with striving to follow Western standards, the European standards. I believe that any sovereign country, and Armenia is of course one of them – every sovereign country has the right to set what it views as priority standards which can benefit the country and reinforce its independence, sovereignty and, most importantly, its economy, as well as to choose its partners accordingly.

What has raised our concerns? It was the fact that Armenia has adopted a law on launching the process to join the European Union – this is how it is titled, by the way, and it was Mr Lukashenko who drew our attention to this fact, while I even forgot about this, but he pointed out the actual title of the law. Business as usual, nothing extraordinary about this, if not for the fact that Armenia, as I have already said, and we discussed this in Kazakhstan too when we had a meeting with our colleagues – Armenia operates within the framework of the Eurasian Economic Union. There are different standards, technical regulations in agriculture, transport, and logistics – there are so many divergences.

I would very much like to see, at some point in the historical perspective, technical standards, logistics and all the other numerous factors involved – many of which may seem a mere formality at first glance but are in fact crucial to economic development – become aligned between the European Union and the EAEU. This would make us a truly vast economic space “from Lisbon to the Urals,” as De Gaulle said, though it would be even better if it extended all the way to Vladivostok. However, this is currently impossible for technological reasons, as the EAEU and EU free trade zones are incompatible.

Of course, this is a concern for us. If a relevant law is adopted, this goes beyond mere talk – it is the law, and we would like to ask our Armenian colleagues to decide on their development path as soon as possible. The market organisation and the legal framework within the EAEU depend on this, because we debate every issue just as it is done in the EU. Without wishing to overstate this, our colleagues sometimes become quite animated in these discussions.

Every comma is sometimes important. But it is also important for us to know how this interaction will be structured. This not only concerns energy, although this is important because the common energy market is one of the few issues that has not been coordinated in terms of our policy as a whole. As you can see, even our colleagues in Germany are concerned about Nord Stream. This [energy] is a crucial element today, and it is especially important in the post-Soviet space, that is, within the EAEU.

Moreover, Prime Minister Pashinyan has said just recently that he considers it important to hold a referendum on this issue. Our only request is that this is clarified as quickly as possible. Nothing more. We have no objections. We will maintain good relations with Armenia no matter what development path it chooses to follow.

As for other countries, as I said, we manage to come to terms, we always do, despite all the challenges of negotiations. I am confident that we will be able to do this in the future as well.

As for Armenia, Russia advocated, at Armenia’s request, for its accession to the EAEU. I mean that, in terms of a number of economic indicators, Armenia did not fully fit the overall framework at the time. However, it has now decided that it should explore a different direction. We have no objection to that – it is entirely their choice. Our only request is that a decision be made as quickly as possible and that we proceed openly and transparently. That’s all. So I do not see any major political problem here. There are, of course, economic and technical issues to address, but I hope we will be able to resolve those as well.

By the way, regarding Nord Stream. As you know, the Nord Stream pipelines were blown up, correct? But one string of Nord Stream 2 remains intact and undamaged. Through it, Russian gas could be pumped to the Federal Republic of Germany starting as early as tomorrow. You just need — and I am not joking — simply to press a button, and the gas will start flowing. But that requires a decision by the Government of the Federal Republic. We have an existing contract between Gazprom and its partner in the Federal Republic, and contacts with Gazprom are ongoing; they remain in communication. Gazprom has never refused supplies and is ready to deliver tomorrow. Its partners also want this. All that is needed is a decision by the Government of the Federal Republic.

And here we come to the key issue – a political question, a question of sovereignty. Because this system was not only blown up – I consider it an act of state terrorism, and I think you would agree – but even though one line remains intact and operational, it is still subject to US sanctions. If the German government reaches agreement with its partners, the sanctions will be lifted, we will press the button, and gas will start flowing – tomorrow, if necessary.

This is a matter of sovereignty: whether they agree or do not agree, or whether, without agreeing with anyone, they simply say no, or explain to their partners in Washington that they need this because they are going through a very difficult period. High energy prices are undermining the competitiveness of the German economy and harming the European Union as a whole, because Germany remains the locomotive of the European economy. This system needs to be put back into operation. They could reach an agreement peacefully, explaining the seriousness of the situation. That is all. With increased capacity, up to 25, and potentially 28 billion cubic metres per year could be supplied – starting tomorrow.

But what Gazprom needs from its German partners is a clear answer: will they take the gas or not? Otherwise, we will redirect it to other markets and sell it to other partners. The contract remains in force. And it is not Gazprom that is failing to meet its obligations – Gazprom is ready. The German partner is not taking the gas, because there are instructions from Brussels and Berlin not to take it. That is all.

Let’s continue.

Andrei Kondrashov: Middle East News Agency MENA, Egypt. Shohrat Aref, please go ahead.

Managing Editor for European and Middle Eastern countries at the Middle East News Agency (MENA) (Egypt) Shohrat Aref (retranslated): Thank you, Mr President, for inviting me to take part in this dialogue.

I have the following question: What are your thoughts about President el-Sisi’s role in promoting stability in the Middle East? What role could Egypt and Russia play in reducing tension in the Middle East?

Vladimir Putin: President el-Sisi is a good friend, and I have a very good relationship with him. I also hope this helps us expand our bilateral ties. Trade between our two countries has been stable and is enjoying positive momentum, and there are good prospects for undertaking major projects. For many years now, we have been discussing the project to create a Russian technology valley in Egypt’s Nile Valley. Today, we are working hard on the project to build a nuclear power plant in Egypt. I hope its first block becomes operational in 2028.

There is significant, effective momentum in our relations. We have engaged quite a few local specialists to perform construction work, which means that this is a very impactful project. We are also working in other sectors. We have developed a relationship of trust in our political cooperation on the international stage. Russia appreciates President el-Sisi’s efforts to bring about a settlement in the Middle East.

The Palestine tragedy has been somewhat relegated to the background considering the developments in and around Iran and the Strait of Hormuz, but the Palestine issue has not disappeared. It remains acute. In this regard, the President of Egypt has made and continues to make a meaningful contribution to achieving a settlement, which means arriving at a fair resolution regarding all Palestine-related matters. Of course, I would like to stress again that in the opinion of the Russian Federation, the creation of a viable Palestinian state is the only fundamental approach to resolving this issue.

I know that the President of Egypt has been working hard on the agenda dealing with settling the Iranian crisis. He has been in touch with all parties to this process at all times, and we have also maintained contact. We seek each other’s advice, listen to each other, hear each other, and take our respective positions into account. I would like to thank President el-Sisi for attaching so much importance to strengthening Russia-Egypt ties. This is instrumental. Egypt is one of our priority partners in the region.

Andrei Kondrashov: Spain has been a country that has protested conflicts in the Middle East. We have José Manuel Sanz Mingote, Editor-in-Chief of Agencia EFE, with us. You have the floor.

Editor-in-Chief and Director of International Information at the Spanish news agency EFE José Manuel Sanz Mingote (retranslated): Thank you.

I would like to thank our friends at the TASS News Agency for their hospitality.

Mr President, my question concerns Ukraine. What is preventing the achievement of a durable peace in Ukraine, one that would allow all of Russia’s legitimate concerns related to the conflict to be discussed?

We can see that some progress has been made, and you have told us about this. But it is taking too long to achieve these goals, especially in Donbass. We have seen numerous exchanges of strikes between the sides. Is now the right time for a ceasefire, for sitting down at the negotiation table to discuss all issues? Even if the EU and European countries cannot mediate the process, they could help look for a solution.

Thank you very much.

Vladimir Putin: I believe that the EU could indeed help look for a solution. In my opinion, a solution should be reached within the framework of the arrangements made in Anchorage, and the Ukrainian side is fully aware of this. I would like to reiterate that the question raised before the meeting in Anchorage was whether Russia was ready to make certain compromises. I said during my visit to Anchorage and my meeting with the US President that we were ready, and I specified the agreements and compromises we would be prepared to make. The issue is for the Ukrainian side to accept these compromises. However, judging by all indications, primarily the internal political situation, Kiev is not ready for this.

The reason is that if peace is achieved, internal political strife and the struggle for power in Kiev will intensify dramatically, and the economic situation will further deteriorate against this backdrop. It seems to me that the ruling authorities [in Kiev] are not interested in stopping the hostilities because in this situation they are unlikely to have any good prospects – let’s put this tactfully – for retaining power.

Furthermore, they will have to address economic matters. European experts know how much it will cost to rebuild the Ukrainian economy – hundreds of billions of euros – and how long this will take. I am aware of the German Chancellor’s proposals for making Ukraine an associated member, and so on. That is none of our business. We are not against this – go ahead. But we are against turning the EU into a military bloc. This is a matter of concern to us. But we are not against economic integration. Go right ahead. European experts know how much this will cost, and European farmers know what will happen if European markets open to Ukraine’s agricultural products.

I could speak about this for a long time, but this is how I will reply to your question: Yes, the EU could potentially play a positive role, though not by supplying weapons but by trying to convince Kiev to accept the compromises we discussed in Anchorage. That is all.

Andrei Kondrashov: Please, Chairman of the Board of AZERTAC news agency Vugar Aliyev, Azerbaijan.

Please, go ahead.

Chairman of the Board of the Azerbaijan State News Agency (AZERTAC) Vugar Aliyev: Good evening, Mr President.

Thank you very much for taking the time to meet with us journalists.

My question relates to relations between our countries. May I ask how you assess the prospects for developing relations between Azerbaijan and Russia?

Vladimir Putin: I would rate them as highly favourable. Our relations with Azerbaijan have always been, and continue to be, very positive. This extends to both the economic and political spheres.

We signed a Declaration on Allied Interaction a couple of years ago, and relations are developing accordingly. President Aliyev is making significant efforts to infuse this treaty with tangible substance. This is evident in the specific areas of our cooperation. I believe that accumulated Russian investment in the Azerbaijani economy exceeds 10 billion rubles. Numerous enterprises operate with Russian capital. We also have close cooperation on cultural and educational matters. A substantial number of Azerbaijanis, as is well known, work in the Russian Federation. They send money to support their families. We are striving to organise this in a proper, civilised manner.

We have numerous areas of mutual interest in logistics, in particular, the North-South corridor providing access to Iran. At present, of course, this has been somewhat hampered due to the events surrounding Iran, yet it remains an area of significant mutual interest.

We are deeply grateful to President Aliyev for assisting us in the delivery of humanitarian aid to Iran. It should be noted that the Azerbaijani side has been diligent and effective in this regard, responding promptly to our requests. This is crucial for alleviating the situation in that region as well.

Trade turnover is on the rise, and it should be noted that additional opportunities for the mutual supply of goods are emerging. We are engaged in negotiations on a wide range of specific areas. At this stage, I deem it premature to elaborate on this, but it pertains primarily to the energy sector. We will meet with President Aliyev and will certainly discuss all matters in due course. On the whole, I believe that relations between the two countries are evolving – and evolving very positively.

To be continued.