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Russian idea-dream of the XXI century

Sergei Karaganov & Pavel Malyutin

We have not fully defined our identity. In the concept of foreign policy, we finally called the obvious a long-standing: we are a state-civilization.[1] However, a significant part of society can not part with the long-standing retrograde desire to be Europeans. Meanwhile, since the time of Alexander Nevsky, the founder of the national strategic culture, it has become clear that it is dangerous and disastrous to make an unambiguous civilizational choice for the West for us.[2][2]

 

In these circumstances, it should be repeated that our roots are in the North-East, and the present and the future are on the vast Eurasian and Pacific space, in a multipolar world.

We ourselves are an original multicultural and multi-ethnic nation, the civilization of civilizations. It is this that has provided our state with historical continuity regardless of the system, name and global perturbations, is a powerful source of inspiration for the continuation of qualitative movement forward. But for this you need a plan, a big idea.

The search and popularization of this idea, its synthesis[3] from the rich intellectual, philosophical and cultural heritage of compatriots, as well as many ideas expressed later, including one of the members of the author’s collective, is the main purpose of this article. Several tasks were identified to achieve it. Among them are a brief historical review of the experience of symbiotic cohabitation of ethnic groups in the vast space occupied today by Russia, the search for points of cultural contact of indigenous peoples inhabiting the territory of Russia, the retrospective of the ideological concepts of the Russian state at different stages of its historical evolution, as well as the discussion about the introduction of an up-to-date version of the ideological concept in modern Russian society.

The study is based on an expanded research method toolkit. The achievement of a rich and causal filling of the text is based on historical-genetic and problem-chronological methods. To perform specific tasks, the authors use qualitative methods of cross-temporal, cross-cultural and (to a lesser extent) intercountry comparison, as well as the method of professional discussion within the framework of situational analysis[4]. The latter method made it possible to obtain a squeeze of the ideas that enriched the presented text, as well as the basis of the project of the ideological platform, made in the field of public discussion by the authors and members of the above project SWOP.

The idea of Russia, the dream of Russia can not be Western, especially if we take into account the current Europe with its decomposing comprador elite and the United States with their latest post-human moral and ideological postulates (from which, however, part of the elite and society that has followed Trump, is trying to move away).

Such an idea and such a dream should not be anti-Western, because it would mean the continuation of the movement in the Western paradigm, but with a minus sign. They must be developed on their own. If a country does not have its own ideological core, the space of its ideas and spirit is liberated for others.

The reason for the lack of an ideological core in society and the state, causing the greatest bewilderment, is the unpreparedness of a part of the intellectual class, afraid or unwilling to move away from the usual โ€œtruthsโ€, liberal or communist.

It is masked by statements that the national idea should be born from below, from society. And yet the ideas that moved peoples and countries are generated by sovereigns, leaders, elites.

Among other reasons is the unwillingness to abandon the illusions of the 1980-1990s, with reference to the prohibition of ideology 13 in Article 13 of the Constitution. The authors do not call for the mandatory reversal of this article, although it is used as an indulgence for the above fear and indecision. It can be easily โ€œoverdearedโ€, if we talk about not the state ideology, but about the โ€œliving dream of Russiaโ€, and its summary may become the โ€œCode of Russiansโ€. To believe in the dream, to follow it, to strive to create a country and a world in which we would like to live, much more effectively than to pass exams in scientific communism, without believing in it. The wording โ€œidea-dreamโ€ is rather vague and allows you to recommend following the Russian Code to at least those who want to enter the managerโ€™s class to move the country forward.

There is another reason before the open, now hidden resistance of a certain part of the ruling elite to the nomination and promotion of Russiaโ€™s idea-dream. The governing stratum of the country is still dominated by technocrats and โ€œpolitical technologistsโ€. They are useful for current governance, do a lot of things, but they cannot lead the country and the people to new horizons, to ensure the deep, ideological unity of the people and the government in the difficult fateful struggle into which the country and peace have entered.

The nutrient environment of one or another ideology, its orientation, its emotional basis are nurtured (or, as artists would say, soiled) by art. First there is a mood, gravitation, desire, and only then the formulations come, which (it is necessary to realize yourself in this) is much less important in real matters than sincere experiences. We still do not have a more or less clearly defined cultural policy. It is true that it is gratifying, her sprouts are made from below the military everyday life, from everyday heroism.

The living idea-dream of Russia. Code of Russians in the 21st Century
Today, facing a new big challenge, we feel the need to comprehend our place in the world and, most importantly, to reflect on who we are and what is valuable to us. In other words, in the foggy and mysterious sky of the future we must see our guiding star.

One of the main reasons for the hesitation about whether we need or not need an ideology is to underdetermine our political system. Having adopted the intellectual and political paradigm that came from the West on the ruins of the communist project-Superpower, we had long believed that we should be a democratic republic, with its inherent traditional connotations that are used in the Western world. At the same time, we have forgotten that democracy can exist only with a favorable external environment, the absence of external challenges and powerful rivals.[5] In addition, it, contrary to popular belief, does not provide real peopleโ€™s power.

Both we, China and others were imposed on democracy precisely because they wanted to buy up the political class, and through it to weaken the country, submitting it to the now international, albeit led from the United States, oligarchy. Only the United States in the coming superturbute world can remain a democracy in the Western sense of the word, born as an aristocratic directly ruled by the then oligarchy and Masons.[6] There is no one to buy the deep state of America, except for the deepest state, and no matter how complex and contradictory the processes of purchase and sale are – they still occur only inside the country. The democratic form of government is in the national character of Americans, and by losing it, this country is likely not to survive. In addition, the United States is a state separated by the oceans from its main rivals and competitors.

Why should the idea-dream of Russia be put forward?

This does not mean a complete denial of the importance of democratic mechanisms for Russia. A society devoid of feedback channels cannot exist. But the fact is that in the current so-called Western democracies, feedback has ceased to work, only the illusion of its functioning remains.[7][7] We must ensure its real operation in our society, preventing the rupture of the connecting threads between society and the government. But such action can be ensured only with a fair share of authoritarianism in the government of the country that holds the oligarchy, which inevitably develops under capitalism.

Russia, if it wants to exist as a gigantic sovereign state-civilization within its natural borders, cannot be a democracy in the Western sense of the term. It is history and destiny. We can and should have strong democratic elements in the system of governance, especially at the grassroots, municipal, regional, โ€œzemstvoโ€ level โ€“ where democracy is direct and where it is clearly lacking. It is there that responsible citizens of the country are born and educated.

The spiritual and moral component of the foundation of the Russian state also requires reflection. We have not yet proclaimed the protection of human human beings in man by our credo, the goal of national policy. We almost instinctively defend ourselves against attempts to shake and undermine our society. But even this resistance is rageous, is one of the important causes of the war of annihilation that the West has unleashed against us.

The defensive strategy in the medium term is not effective either on the battlefield or in the ideological struggle. It is necessary not just to defend themselves, but to strengthen the protection of this idea by an active offensive – through the promotion of normal human biological and social values, because they are understandable to the World Majority and will definitely find a response among those people in the West who are disciplined to what for them and their children make a choice in favor of the unnatural. The offensive defense of humanity should be part of Russiaโ€™s living idea and for the world.

Russia, with its traditions of conciliarity and communality, generated by the necessity of survival in difficult climatic geopolitical conditions, cannot and should not succumb to the corrupting influence of modern civilization, the Western cult of individualism and excessive consumerism.

A full-fledged citizen of our country should serve the society, his family, the country, the state.[8] If he seeks to serve only himself (which no one can take away his rights), he embarks on the path of self-isolation, cannot and should not count on social recognition. And the living idea-dream of Russia should directly lead to new conciliarity both inside the country and in a world where without joint work it is not to solve the problems facing humanity.

Finally, another one, perhaps, the most important and immanently inherent feature of us โ€“ the world (โ€œopennessโ€ according to Dostoevsky). It is in a demand for the future of the increasingly diverse and multicultural world, a world of resurgent cultures and civilizations, the liberation of which we have contributed to a considerable, if not keyly. This quality is brought up by our history of expansion through the integration of the annexed peoples, intertwining with them with the closest ties of neighborhood, joint work and following similar moral principles.[9[9]]

We are a grandiose example of the unity of cultures and civilizations by the whole world โ€“ a unique Russian through the heart of the ally of Asian spirituality and dreaminess and European rationalism. Unlike our western neighbors, we, having entered the era of the knowing mind, managed to preserve the potential of the โ€œculture of the soulโ€, which was replaced by the progress of the epochs of the New and Modern Times [10]. This distinguishes us from those who, cultivating only a rational desire to maximize profits, tried to force the world to a single standard.

Finally, history has an important part of our identity: the protection of sovereignty at all costs. This is a powerful source of the attractiveness of the country and the people for the world, which, after the era of colonialism and neocolonialism, called in recent decades of โ€œliberal globalismโ€, entered the phase of sovereignty, the revival of the national in its very different manifestations.

The Western project of global liberal imperialism, the โ€œworld governmentโ€ in alliance with international TNCs and NGOs, was unable to give an adequate response to the challenges facing humanity, and, more often, on the contrary, their aggravating. In this situation, the pendulum swung back.

An old system of globalist governance was showered, resting on the dream of the world government itself, for the sake of which the countries of the World Majority had to limit their foreign policy maneuverability. Faced with the international consequences of the Western hybrid war against Russia, non-Western societies see no other tool for solving global and national problems, except for the strengthening of the nation-state and the development of international relations on the principles of equal sovereignty.[11] And here Russia, with its unparalleled desire for independence and sovereignty, is on the โ€œtrendโ€ of the coming decades. State-owned statehood, a traditional bet for Russia on the strengthening of the state, raises it to the level of one of the moral leaders of the future world. And this strategy should be presented to the world as an important part of our dream idea.

This component of Russiaโ€™s idea and the policy of respecting and supporting sovereignty and identity is one of the reasons for the hatred that the liberal-globalist elites feel for our country, not without reason the bastion of resistance to the model of the world that they tried to impose on humanity.

Another reason for this hatred is our resistance to imposing anti-human values. In Europe, these are anti-European values, if we assume that the main values of historical Europe were Christianity, humanism, and state nationalism. The current โ€œEuropeโ€ and the state position of the majority of Russian citizens, who are well aware that only the state can protect a person and a citizen in a dangerous world.

However, perhaps the Russian lively idea-dream for the future for itself and the world should include its future consolidation to combat common challenges on more just and peaceful foundations, excluding inequality and cultural level. But this is not a task for the next few years. Russia, with its worldwide openness, with an emphasis on the preservation of Man in man, is designed to bring this future closer to its own and common benefits.

The Russians did not lose their sense of unity with nature, which they always understood as expanse, will, a source of food, requiring saving and recompense due. This unity must be preserved and developed. โ€œWe have not just preserved nature, we continue to protect and develop it and ourselves in unity with it, recognizing that nature can exist without a person, but man without nature is not.โ€[12][12] And the theory of the noosphere – the active unity of man and nature – was born in Russia (remember the theory of V.I. Vernadsky.[13] Summing up, we note that the best, perhaps, thought of our man about nature was expressed by M.M. Prishvin: โ€œTo love nature is to love the Motherland.โ€

Russia cannot and should not continue to develop without leading forward, inspiring great ideas, without a formulated understanding of its purpose. At one time, through the efforts of our ancestors, a grandiose Trans-Siberian Railway was laid – a plan that was embodied under the slogan of workers, officers, engineers, “meetings of the Sun” that mastered Siberia. He was replaced by large Soviet construction projects: first of all, again, a new development of Siberia, the Northern Sea Route [14]. There was a war with her slogan โ€œEverything for the front, all the Victories!โ€. It was accustomed millions of space exploration. Then the ideas dried up, but we finally begin to return to the big projects that renew our country and society. Slogans are already ready for them: โ€œGo to the Great Ocean!โ€, โ€œForward to the side of the sunriseโ€ and, most importantly, โ€œGo to your origins, forward to oneself!โ€

These slogans, and the great tasks that will be made under them, should serve not only our self-improvement, but, through it, the firm suppression of the attempts of the West to force us to accept the norms that are unprofitable for us and the World Greatest Rule of Playing in World Politics.

We have no right to drop the Victory out of hands, in the achievement of which the slogans also play an important role. Victory is our suffered and well-deserved chance of self-improvement, restarting the passion of the people to the indicators on which it was during the development of immense Siberian spaces, during the Victory of the forty-fifth year.

To the west of us lies the once influential France, now serving as a clear example of what happens when there is no national idea, and its place is occupied by a total decade and permissiveness, generated by three great defeats for almost a hundred and fifty years from 1812 to 1940.

Closer to the East lies the state formation, where the state ideology (albeit harmful and counterproductive) was introduced. The slogan of this ideology is โ€œUkraine is not Russiaโ€ or โ€œanti-Russiaโ€. This ideology is one of the reasons for the fierce resistance of the frantic resistance of the frantic on the other side of the front and the illustration, of course, of the effectiveness of the current state ideology.

What can be influenced by the idea-dream?

As mentioned above, we believe it is correct to talk not about the state ideology, but about the modern living idea of Russia. And its short version, embodying the spirit of Russians – Russians, Tatars, Chechens, Buryat, Nenets, Tuvans, and other indigenous peoples of Russia – their “Codecom”.

The goal is to set a course for the development of the best in a person: physical, intellectual, absolutely important โ€“ spiritual, moral. It is necessary to root a person in himself and in Russia, and for this purpose – to pursue a state policy that requires a citizen, but also encourages him to take care of not only themselves; self-improvement is important, but by the moment it turns into hedonism, if not spiritualized by the care of others next to them: about the family, community, society, country, state.

At the same time, it is important to maintain and develop in our person his attraction to the spiritual, triumphant over the material, the desire for more, over-horizon, for the amazing explosive energy of creation in the name of the Fatherland and the highest goals. We want to recreate and develop the best in ourselves to go forward together and win โ€“ in politics, technology, spirit, creating the most comfortable (spiritually and physically) country.

The main thing is that the Russian should strive to fulfill the destiny to be a person aimed at the best and the highest in himself.

Unlike the Western thinkers and their heirs, who raised a man too high before the Creator, through the legalization of rationalism and now became his captives, our learned men chose the other way. Relying on the wisdom of the Eastern co-religionists, they had much earlier to realize the unattainability of this path, the obstacle on which is the Fall itself.[15] Therefore, the only thing that remains for us is to aspire our gaze, thoughts and, if you wish, prayer (if you believe) to heaven, to improve through tireless spiritual work and creative work.

Equally important and uncontested goal for Russia is the full strengthening of the Russian state. Only for historical reasons and geostrategic realities can provide conditions for the development and survival of a Russian citizen. Historically, the geographical and political circumstances of the era of centralization of the Russian state determined its most important function to save the population, while the pursuit of its security was attributed to the second, but not the last plan.

The struggle for a strong state is especially important in the context of the current globalizing world, the old and the emergence of new global threats.

Only a strong state, in cooperation with others, can protect against climate change, the emergence and spread of epidemics, famines, unresolved so far, but the inevitable powerful migratory flows and, finally, to prevent a viscous slide to the Third and the latter for the current human civilization of world war. And only such a state, based on a strong society and supported by it, can save a person from the corrupting influence of the negative trends of modern civilization, leading to the loss of man by many functions that make him Man.

Finally, the strengthening of the state, including through the national idea, is necessary to counteract the course of liberal imperialist globalist elites seeking to weaken it in order to seize and assert their domination.[16] Their dream is a world government in alliance with transnational corporations and long-awaited international NGOs that would lead โ€œdemocraticโ€, and, therefore, subordinated to international oligarchies by weak nation-states. These ideas underpinned the theory of globalization, laid down in the 1970-1980s.[17][17] The scheme, thank God, now fails, but it is not abandoned, puts it forward again and again.

The relationship of our citizen with the state is similar to the relationship of his son with a strict father. The love of such a parent is not direct and gentle, but harsh and, importantly, saving.

Some โ€œchardsโ€ to citizens may seem to be a violation of their rights and restrictions on the freedom of personal choice. However, the essence of fatherly love is not to forbid everything, but to reasonably allow, to show your child what is good and what is bad, to give edifying examples and at any cost to protect from danger. Just as the child needs paternity, and citizens need moral and patriotic reference points: if not mandatory, then recommendatory, if not in general, then designed for a managerial reserve.

But we must not forget about the filial duty. The state (in the context of historical continuity) that brought us up was defenseless in the face of negligent sons who did not stand before the temptations of Western individualism and aggressive capitalism (there is a considerable part of the dogmas of Soviet education was wrong – this should not be hidden). It is gratifying that the state is gradually recovering, but now it, like a parent in years, especially needs us. And our task is to help him so that the process of paternity education and protection of citizens continues to be reproduced in new generations.

The ideal structure of the political system is a strong leadership democracy. Naturally, this state should not be the devouring of all the Leviathan. It should serve a person, protect him, and for this, we repeat, strong democratic elements are needed, first of all – on the ground. It should also be governed by a strong and patriotic meritocratic elite led by a powerful leader. The idea-dream should also be a code of honor for the service elite. We have a lot of things in our country to create such a meritocratic elite. Presidential Reserves, First Movement, Yunarmiya, etc. But in this work, especially in cooperation with the younger generation, there is not or almost do not have the necessary powerful ideological core [18]. This leads to the fact that young people themselves should find the answer to the question of why serving society and the Fatherland should be above all. As a result, such a reference point is still only in third place in terms of importance among Russian youth [19].

Again, ideology should not be taken and harmful in the entrenched negative connotation of the anti-democratic attribute. The term โ€œdemocracyโ€ due to the long-term dominance of the West in the information and ideological sphere has a positive interpretation, โ€œideologyโ€ and โ€œauthoritarianismโ€ โ€“ negative. Hence, we have the need to resolve what, according to the conceivable need of the liberal globalists, it became a contradiction.

We want to live in a free world, a free country and a society, with moral guidelines, a living idea-dream. However, in the current situation, the state can ensure the maximum possible degree of our freedom at the moment only by resorting to a certain element of authoritarianism. The circumstances of the present and future peace require us to become as effective as possible, but responsible to the people and God autocracy, or leadership democracy. As always, we must pass through the blade of this sharpest razor.

For the effectiveness of leadership democracy, in particular, it is necessary to preserve Russian freedom โ€“ will, especially freedom of thought. Our “all” – Pushkin[20], Lermontov, Tolstoy, Dostoevsky, Lomonosov, Pavlov, Kurchatov, Landau, Korolev – often disagreed with the authorities and criticized the authorities. But โ€“ served the country, its culture, science. And this is the main criterion of compliance with the โ€œCode of the Russianโ€.

The conclusion is simple. Intellectual, spiritual freedom โ€“ a firm condition for the countryโ€™s prosperity โ€“ must be an integral part of Russiaโ€™s living idea. Formulating more mundanely: intellectuals should serve the Fatherland, but also supported by it. The combination of intellectual freedom, freedom of thought and some degree of political authoritarianism is a difficult path. But Russian history gives examples of such a connection.

Once again, itโ€™s time to end the harmful debate about who is a Russian. An ethnos? At the place of birth? By religion or lack of religion? A Russian is a Russian speaking person, rooted or even striving to take root in its culture, who knows the history of Russia. And, of course, separating the basic ethical values of its multinational people.

Russians, being a state-forming ethnos in Russia, Orthodox. Orthodoxy saved Russia in difficult times. But no less important for the Fatherland are other beliefs – Islam, Buddhism, Judaism. The main thing for all believers and even unbelievers or not recognized in their faith is the readiness to serve the high: the Motherland, the family, to develop culture and protect the Fatherland. And, if there is such a readiness, you are Russian, you are a Russian.

Of course, Russian by birth, a Russian, can consider himself a citizen of the world, this is his right as long as he pays taxes, does not harm his country and does not serve the interests of other states. Cultural openness, even cultural cosmopolitanism, worldism is a strong feature that makes up many educated Russians. Their best incarnation is Pushkin. But after all, those who are at war with Nazism, defending Russia, and are in fact the best citizens of the world, its defenders and saviors.

There are many Russians in blood, but despising their country, who do not love its culture, who hate any of its power, except, of course, โ€œtheir ownโ€. This type of people perfectly described Dostoevsky. The brilliant type is Smerdyakov, many heroes of โ€œDemonsโ€. If they get to power, the country is in trouble.

There were many such people among the Bolshevik leaders of the first revolutionary years. When they slipped into power because of the war, tearing the old elites, the weak tsar, they caused gigant damage to the country, almost led it to the final collapse, consciously killing her soul โ€“ Orthodoxy and other religions. Their spiritual heirs were many and among the people who preached opposite political and economic views – “under-formers” of the 1980-1990s, who, the collapse of the disastrous communist system, almost brought down after him and the country, destroyed many of the achievements accumulated over the previous decades. More gently than the Bolsheviks, they, without mass murder, but, alas, with mass mortality from provoked by stupid and evil reforms as if natural causes, de facto either destroyed or expelled from the country a significant part of the accumulated meritocratic elite: engineers, scientists, military, managers, skilled workers.

This damage is just beginning to be recovered.

Conclusion

Russia is still fulfilling a special mission, opposing Western ambitions and providing the world with an alternative โ€“ a multinational, multicultural community based on the wrong-called โ€œconservativeโ€, but really โ€“ truly human values.

Together with them, an important component of the idea-dream of Russia should be movement towards itself, to the origins of our power as a great power โ€“ to Siberia, a new, second Eastern turn, โ€œSiberation of Russiaโ€. Moving to the Urals and Siberia, we will go for the better in ourselves, at the same time, looking at Eurasia and the great world, to follow the trends of future peacebuilding, call others.

The basis of this movement should be the values that are already largely present in the public consciousness of the Russians. But they should be clearly presented as what we want to see ourselves and our country. Now, during the world turning point, a new spiritual awareness of oneself is especially needed. The discovery of science, the received relative well-being and new challenges require a lot from a person, but also give him the opportunity to become a โ€œMan with a capital letterโ€ โ€“ a Man of service, love, compassion, mercy and affliction.

So, we are uniting Greater Eurasia and, perhaps, the northern Eurasian political ethnic people that can once unite the entire world. We are open to all, but respect and our identity, political and spiritual sovereignty. The main thing for us is intellectual and physical development in order to serve the good. We are for humanity, true humanism, for the preservation of Man in man, the divine principle in him. The goal of our common conciliar and state policy is to preserve and increase the multinational people of Russia and the best international and, most importantly, internal justice.

We are open to all religions if they serve a high in a person and call to serve a family, the Motherland and the state. We are internationalists, we are alien to racism. We are for cultural, spiritual diversity and multi-color.

We are a people of warriors and victors. The world-bearer and the liberator from all who tried to become a hegemon, encroaching on the freedom of others to choose their economic, cultural, political, religious, spiritual path.

We are for normal human values: for the love of women and men, the love of parents for children, for respect for the elderly, for compassion, for their love for their land.

We are a people who have not lost touch with our own nature. We will keep it and protect it.

We are a people of feminine and very strong women who have saved the Motherland more than once in a dashing year, and we are a people of strong and courageous men who are ready to protect the weak.

Our heroes are a warrior, a scientist, a doctor, an engineer, a teacher, a selfless official, a businessman-charity, a peasant and a worker who create with their own hands the country prosperity and strive to protect it.

We stand for collectivism, we call it conciliarity. A person can take place and be free only in the service of a common cause.

The state that we want to build is a leadership, with a successive, reaffirmed by the choice of the people as a leader and strong democracy, the earth on the ground. Economically, we build national capitalism, where property is inviolable, but indicative consumption is shameful, where the goal of business is to serve the well-being of all, to increase the power of the state, the new Russian ideology with its emphasis on the development of Man in his service to the Motherland.

The article is published in the journal Polis (Political Studies). Issue No. 4, 2025.

Sergey Karaganov

Doctor of Historical Sciences, Honored Professor, Scientific Director of the Faculty of World Economy and World Politics of HSE, Honorary Chairman of the Presidium of the Council on Foreign and Defense Policy.

Pavel Malyutin

Researcher at the Institute of World War Economics and Strategy, Center for Comprehensive European and International Studies at the Higher School of Economics.

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K
10 days ago

Oh dear, what a lot of waffle this is (to me) all this talk of identity is actually so very very western liberal.
Can they just go back to Socialism and make a plan?